An Interview with Kazakh Human Rights Activist Daniyar Khassenov

How a dispute over fuel prices set off the largest protests in Kazakhstan since 1989, and what they mean for the future of this central Asian superpower.

Though Daniyar Khassenov has dedicated much of his life to monitoring the Kazakh government's consistent violations of human rights, the young activist is now far from home, residing in the Ukraine. It is from there that he joined me over zoom to provide insight into the recent unrest in Kazakhstan; a nation long heralded as the most stable in the region.

Khassenov did not leave Kazakhstan by choice, but rather was driven out due to his attempts to bring attention to it’s repressive regime. In 2019, the Khazakh government began to target Khassenov. In May of that year, a criminal case was launched against him for supposed participation in the activities of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) opposition movement. Then 23 years old, Khassenov was a student of medicine and a volunteer with the Italian Federation for Human Rights. Almaty police claimed that Khassenov actively participated in DCK rallies, though Khassenov was not present at any of the events in question. Khassenov was detained numerous times throughout 2019. One day before his criminal case was launched, he was banned from leaving Kazakhstan by Almaty Police. In June of 2019, police imposed restrictions on his and his family’s bank accounts. These restrictions were lifted due to pressures from NGOs and the international community. Rather than face continual persecution, and fearing future threats to his safety, Khassenov fled the country.

Now 26 years of age, Khassenov is based in Ukraine and continues to work with Human Rights organizations across the world. He is unable to return to Kazakhstan, where, according to the activist, there is “No openness for criticizing the government”: Indeed, the mere act of protesting is illegal.

Khassenov’s experience as a young Kazakh activist, while tragic, is not uncommon. Yet the political repression endured in Kazakhstan over the past 30 years has rarely resulted in significant protests. That is until January of this year, when a series of demonstrations erupted across the nation. This unexpected turn of events is clearly of great interest to Khassenov, and it quickly becomes the focus of our discussion.

On the second of January, the Kazakh government removed a fuel cap on liquified petroleum gas (LPG), causing prices to spike. Many people in Kazakhstan use LPG to power their vehicles and, according to Khassenov, the financial implications of rising fuel prices inspired the initial protests. Demonstrations were first carried out in the oil-producing city of Zhanaozen, however they spread across the nation and quickly reached Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan.

It was there that protests escalated into violent clashes, leading Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to declare a state of emergency and shut down internet services nationwide on January 5. This decision came after President Tokayev’s Almaty home was surrounded by thousands of angry protesters and set aflame, as reported by Time magazine.

On the 5 of January, President Tokayev also dismissed his cabinet and removed former President Nursultan Nazarbayev from his post as head of the security council. Tokayev appealed to the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) to send military forces to help deal with the protests. The CSTO is an intergovernmental military alliance between Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan.

In a bid to appease protestors, Tokayev reinstated the fuel cap on January 6.

However, on the 6 of January, there were also heavy police crackdowns reported in Almaty by the BBC, as protestors attempted to take control of the police station. Demonstrators faced tear gas and stun grenades. Dozens were killed and hundreds were injured. The president insisted that the protests were led by foreign-backed bandits and terrorists, according to The Guardian. Russia announced the deployment of paratroopers through the CSTO to help stabilize the situation. In a televised address on January 7, Tokayev ordered security forces to “use lethal force without warning” against demonstrators.

Over the following days, violence continued in Almaty. The full extent of the bloodshed is unknown. The BBC reported that internet access was restored to the city on January 10. Yet when Khassenov and I spoke on the 11, he maintained that access was only awarded for “one, maybe two hours a day.” Citizens are trapped in an “Information black hole,” said Khassenov. Families and friends are desperate to contact loved ones in Almaty, but this has become close to impossible due to the unpredictable internet restrictions. Moreover, Khassenov notes that these conditions posed a huge obstacle to organizing protests as “coordination requires communication.”

After over a week of unrest, the protests came to an end on the 11 of January and Russia announced that its troops had begun to withdraw on the 13.

What do protestors want?

Though the rise in fuel prices sparked the initial protests, demonstrations continued even after Tokayev reinstated the fuel price cap. Khassenov described how the nature of the protests changed abruptly and “in one day, demands became political. Suddenly, protestors were chanting ‘Old man go away.’”

The “Old Man” to which protesters were referring is Nursultan Nazarbayev: president of Kazakhstan from 1989 until 2019, when he stepped down from office and appointed Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to take his place. While Tokayev was acting president of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev retained a lot of practical control over the country as chairman of the security council and “Leader of the Nation:” a constitutional role that granted him immunity from prosecution along with many policymaking privileges. Nazarbayev no longer holds these positions having been ‘removed from government’ on the 5 of January.

Khassenov asserted that protesters were not simply expressing discontent with Nursultan as an individual, but rather with his legacy and the system he represents. Protestors have “democratic aspirations” the activist stated. They are tired of the old regime controlling the country, tired of having no say in how their nation is governed. Khassenov reported that on the 3 of January, the Democratic opposition movement became involved in the protests — a further demonstration of the ideological currents driving the upheaval.

When asked whether the dismissal of Nazarbayev and the dissolution of the Kazakh cabinet would satisfy protesters, Khassenov could barely hold back laughter. “The Government is a façade,” he said with resignation, maintaining that Nursultan is still in control behind the scenes. According to Khassenov, Tokayev cannot truly remove Nazarbayev from power without making constitutional changes. Beyond this, Nazarbayev’s economic and political ties run deep into the foundation of Kazakhstan as a Nation; to remove his influence would require the country to be rebuilt from the ground up. Khassenov reiterated that the people want “whole regime changes, not just cosmetic changes”. Unfortunately, the new cabinet that has been created in the wake of these protests is merely “a reconfiguration of the old.” Until the “Old Man” and the old system that he represents is removed from Kazakh politics, the unrest will continue. Khassenov is adamant that “In weeks, or maybe months, people will realize that nothing has changed.”

What should the International Community be doing at this time?

According to Khassenov, around ten thousand people were arrested in the protests. It is unclear where these protesters are being held, when, and if they will be released. One thing of which Khassenov is certain is that detainees are being subjected to inhumane conditions. He expressed worry for these civilians, many of whom were peaceful protesters simply expressing democratic aspirations.

When asked what the international community ought to be doing with regards to Kazakhstan, Khassenov recommended an inquiry into the murders and detentions led by an intergovernmental organization such as the United Nations. “We cannot trust our own security organizations” he stated. He also felt that powerful players, such as the United States, “should be doing more to promote human rights in Kazakhstan.” According to Reuters, the State Department confirmed the "United States' full support for Kazakhstan's constitutional institutions and media freedom and advocated for a peaceful, rights-respecting resolution to the crisis."

The reticence of the US government to definitively condemn the actions of Tokayev’s regime could be rooted in the fact that Kazakhstan sits atop some of the largest hydrocarbon and mineral reserves in the world along with the fact that it is the key to having a “business footprint in Central Asia, and a soft power presence,” according to Forbes. Washington sees Kazakhstan as the most developed former Soviet state in central Asia and is invested in maintaining positive relations; a US-Kazakhstan Business Council was even established in September of this year.

Khassenov stated that perhaps the most important move the international community could take is the introduction of “personal sanctions,” as Kazakh politicians and elites hold their money in Western banks. The most effective way to compel them to respect human rights would be via restriction of their economic power.

Khassenov also commented on the failure of many Western media sources to properly characterize the protestors, whom he said can be split into three groups. Firstly, there are peaceful protestors — most demonstrators fall into this category. The second group is made up of looters and criminals. They are responsible for causing much of the violence that has been reported. According to Khassenov, this group was organized by the state. Seeing that they could not control the large gatherings of pro-democracy protesters, the Kazakh government hired people to incite chaos thus justifying a violent police crackdown. Finally, the third group described by Khassenov is made up of poor and marginalized people who joined the looters out of desperation. Khassenov made sure to underline that these protests were intended to be peaceful and only became violent due to government interference.

What these protests mean for the future

When asked, Khassenov seemed to think these protests have yet to become a movement. He described them as somewhat random and lacking a central leader or mandate. Though certain political organizations became involved in the demonstrations, they remained unstructured. This lack of coordination was exacerbated by the internet blackout and other government interferences. Moreover, the activist stated that the protests have led to no actual regime change.

On top of that, Khassenov worries that Russian involvement has set a “precedent which undermines international security.” The deployment of Russian troops via the CSTO is illegal and constitutes a “Russian invasion” stated Khassenov. The CSTO “can only act together if there is foreign threat.” Domestic political protests are not a legitimate cause for the deployment of CSTO troops. It is for this reason that President Tokayev accused “20 thousand international terrorists” of causing the unrest, though he failed to provide proof. By Khassenov’s account, the president went as far as to say that terrorists were “breaking into morgues and stealing the bodies of their comrades” to erase evidence of their involvement in the conflict.

The false claim that the protests were foreign-backed provided an excuse for Russian intervention, and Khassenov now fears that the Russians will not leave. Though Russia has announced the withdrawal of its troops, it also claims its “soldiers are not in Ukraine:” Khassenov has no trust in a nation which continues to interfere with the affairs of former Soviet states, aiding in the preservation of an oppressive regime in Belarus, threatening Ukrainian sovereignty, and now, helping to put down pro-democracy demonstrations in Kazakhstan.

Nonetheless, these protests were the largest in 30 years, since Kazakhstan first gained independence from the Soviet Union. Though they may not have achieved their democratic aspirations, they are certainly significant. With the eyes of the world finally on this often-forgotten nation, there is potential for the Kazakh government to be held accountable for its numerous violations of human rights and freedoms.

- Saoirse Aherne