Tunisia: A nation relying on the fundamental power of youth trust

As students of the Middle East and North Africa region, we are quick to recall that Tunisia was the only relative success story of the “Arab Spring,” a string of popular revolutions beginning in 2010 which engulfed the region. Tunisian exceptionalism was due to a myriad of factors: the mobilizing role of social media, the diverse and widespread nature of the protest movement, the strategic dialogue initiated by Tunisian civil society, and the absence of military repression of protests, as was the case in Bahrain and other Arab Spring states.

Western spectators often extol Tunisia as the pillar of democracy in the MENA region, praising its relatively secular political institutions and “liberal” constitution, which includes a mandate to actively support child development, commitments to “social justice” and regional equality, articles outlining gender equality, and orders to protect the environment. Why, then, have mass crowds continued to flood Avenue Habib Bourguiba and city centers from Bizerte to Gafsa, shouting chants reminiscent of the initial calls for the removal of dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali? Protestors called for the suspension of Parliament, economic reform, strategic action on the COVID-19 crisis, and an end to police brutality.

Tunisian President Kais Saied terminated Parliament and removed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi on July 26, 2021, a decision rooted in entrenched political divides which have plagued the government. Many question whether Saied’s decision to suspend Parliament for thirty days indicated the rise of a new authoritarianism or a proper course of action in the face of national political and economic crisis. Saied has since extended the suspension, raising further questions about the legitimacy of his temporary consolidation of power. Compounding the gravity of these issues is the emergence of political figures like Abir Moussi, leader of the Al-Dustur al-Hurr party and a Ben Ali regime nostalgic. Moussi’s disruptive actions in parliamentary procedures and the unbridled anger of her opponents have led to embarrassing (physical) clashes in Parliament.

Many, however, take for granted the fact that (most) Tunisian citizens have the right to express their grievances without having to fear the state’s security apparatus to the extent that they did pre-revolution. Tunisia remains in the difficult and transitionary space of fairly well-protected political liberties and unstable economic conditions, forcing many young and bright Tunisians to flee the country (youth unemployment was 35% in 2019).

How can Tunisia move forward in this drawn-out process of democratization where the value of political freedom is drowned out by pleas for economic reform, among other things? What do young people need in order to trust the future of their country? I have consulted young Tunisians to lend some insight into these necessary questions:

Amira Zargouni, a Tunisian first year student in the French Track of the Sciences Po Menton campus responds to the above questions with a call for structural reform in various domains of Tunisian society. Zargouni stresses that “in order to understand their needs [young Tunisians], it is important to [paint] a portrait” of them. Many young Tunisians, Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did.

Zargouni describes the reality of young Tunisians as navigating and protesting a complex web of “endless loopholes” in political life. The underlying issue Zargouni pinpoints is corruption, an issue that “remains intact and that contaminates every other branch, field, [and] future prospect” in the Tunisian political and economic spheres.

While Tunisian political institutions are generally well-functioning, Zargouni emphasizes that Tunisia has still not established a constitutional council or supreme court of the land. There exists no “fair and efficient judiciary to act strongly against any form of corruption.” Zargouni alludes to the removal of the head of INLUCC, “the government committee fighting corruption,” as a crucial indicator of low public trust in government. In a more economic sense, Zargouni states the importance of “reshaping the economic model, [making it] more inclusive, more equitable, and coherent with the global value chain.”

Evidently, there are a range of approaches one can take in examining what young Tunisians need to move forward confidently, trustingly, and prosperously. It is clear that Tunisian youth are extremely capable of reforming their communities (Hayfa Sdiri is an excellent example of how young minds can affect change). Decision-makers are tasked with the fundamental duty of protecting and nurturing this wealth of human capital. Failing to do so will only lead to further political strife and deadlock.

- Luca Utterwulghe